Mr. Chairman,
Dear colleagues,
First of all, allow me to say that it is with great pleasure that I am attending this event together with three exceptional colleagues who are, I believe, outstanding representatives of both Achaia and our own party.
There is a fourth one, who is absent, but I can forgive his absence because I sent him to represent me in the Greek Independence Day parade organised by Diaspora Greeks in New York. As a result, he is unable to attend today’s event.
I have here in front of me, dear ladies and gentlemen, a speech. In this Ministry there is always a set context to address an audience, but you will allow me to leave it aside and have a brief and frank discussion with you on the challenges that the country faces and give you our views on them.
Before I get to the heart of the matter, however, you will allow me to say that I feel at home being here. To begin with, I feel at home in the geographical sense. As you know, I am from Corfu, in the western part of the country, and, as far as the subject matter of this event is concerned, I come from an entrepreneurial family. My father had been Chairman of the Corfu Chamber of Commerce for more than 30 years and Vice Chairman of the Chambers of Commerce of Greece.
So, you will allow me to feel comfortable and also be aware to a certain extent of the huge efforts that businesses and industry in Greece are making, frequently in the face of extremely adverse circumstances. And I fully understand the responsibility of the Greek state to provide a safe environment in which you can do your job, produce, create growth and jobs in the country, which is the ultimate goal, and export; because if these things do not go well, Greece will not prosper.
Unfortunately, however, we operate in an international environment that is not the easiest to navigate, to say the least.
To begin, I’ll describe what we’re working on at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to make it a better tool for dealing with these circumstances.
The current Government, the Mitsotakis Government made a choice to place both economic diplomacy, meaning facilitating exports, and public diplomacy, meaning the promotion of the country’s image abroad, under the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
This is an international trend, I think it’s the right trend, and we have gained know-how from different countries, like the Netherlands, Great Britain and Bahrain.
In addition, internally we have implemented a fundamental reform in the way the Ministry operates. We have ushered the Ministry into a new era by investing almost 100 million Euros in closed and open-source systems for public diplomacy, allowing us to save staff and ensure that the technical tools necessary to Greek diplomacy to do its work properly are in place. And to be able to do something to assist the country’s exports – which I mention because it is vital to you – and, of course, to assist those who want to invest in the country; because this is something that is at the very core of this Ministry’s responsibility, namely to facilitate Greek exports and Greek investment abroad, but also to facilitate investment in Greece from abroad.
During the financial crisis years, the country has been subject to disinvestment. More than $100 billion in investments are required to make up for this loss. Last year was a good year for investment, with a total of around $5 billion. So, you can see how large the gap is that the country needs to close in order to grow economically in the coming years. Our country is also the economically strongest in the Balkans.
We have a GDP of around $200 billion. But if you take a successful Western example, let’s say the Netherlands, which has a comparable population with ours, our GDP needs to be doubled and reach $ 400 billion.
That requires a huge amount of effort and you are key players in this effort. Countries grow through their businesses, entrepreneurship, industry and exports.
Let’s now turn to the broader context, which, unfortunately, is not what we would like it to be, I want to be honest with you. I will describe as briefly as I can what the context of Greek diplomacy is and where we stand. I compare what we’re doing and the situation we are dealing with to six intersecting circles, something like the old Olympic Airways logo, if you remember.
So, if we start with the first circle to the north, there is our wider region, the Balkans. Our country pulled away from the Balkans to some extent in the previous decade for two main reasons:
One reason was the financial crisis which forced many Greek businesses, especially the Greek banking system, to disinvest from the Balkans and return to Greece. The second reason was the “name issue” which was creating a serious problem with countries such as Serbia and North Macedonia, with repercussions in other countries as well.
So, right now we are returning to the Balkans, reasserting our influence and our role. I was able to come here today because of an opening in the schedule of my tour of the Western Balkans. We are also trying to play the role that is historically assigned to us in the Balkan Peninsula. We are the strongest country that has assisted and guided other countries, first of all in the Eastern Balkans, but hopefully also in the Western Balkans, to become members of the European Union.
If we look to the south, there is North Africa, there is also Turkey – which I’ll leave for later, since our relations with this country affect to a large extent our entire policy – and the Gulf countries.
What this government is trying to convey is that the Mediterranean is not a dividing sea, it is a bridge. Historically, this is the role it has always played.
As a result, what happens in North Africa, in the Gulf, what happens even in sub-Saharan Africa, is of huge importance to Greece.
It is of huge importance, and this is demonstrated first of all by the migration issue and the flows from all these regions; from what happened in Libya and how this has affected Greece through the “Turkish-Libyan memorandum” and the overall instability in the region; from the threat of terrorism, as evidenced by the threat expressed by the radical Islamist charge in the sub-Saharan regions.
The notion which, ladies and gentlemen, is often common in public life, is “What are we doing there? What do we care about all this?” This notion is short-sighted, it does not hold up in the modern world.
What is currently happening in Chad is important for Greece. What is happening in the Gulf, where, by the way, two Greek ships are detained, is important for Greece. These are issues that we cannot afford to overlook.
The perception of the ‘small and honourable Greece’, according to which our country may on the one hand always ask for assistance from the International Community in the name of its national rights, but on the other hand, to be completely indifferent to what happens beyond its very narrow neighbourhood, is one that we must leave behind once and for all and instill in the minds of the new generation a cosmopolitan spirit and the perception that in order for our country to survive and develop, we need to see beyond the horizon.
The third circle comprises countries that are further away, such as those from sub-Saharan Africa, countries with which we can develop long-term economic relations, also countries that need mutual understanding.
If I had to choose two such countries, I would name Rwanda and Kenya, because their foreign ministers visited us a few days ago for the first time in history. Of course, this was after I had visited seven countries in the region.
We cannot overlook Africa. Africa is the world’s fastest growing continent, both economically and in terms of population. Again, we cannot be absent, according to the line of reasoning that I described previously.
I come back to our neighbourhood, Europe, because there is yet another misconception here. We believed, and we have believed so for a great many years, that because we joined the European Union, our bilateral relations with all the European countries are determined by this framework, and that this is also perfectly adequate. This is not true.
The European Union is the proudest project in human history. It is a space of human rights, the rule of law and security. However, it is still in its infancy. I always say the European project resembles the monotheistic religions with the exception of Islam. It takes centuries to consolidate. And she’s only a 70-year-old young lady.
Greece must consequently maintain a high level of attentiveness in fostering bilateral relations within the European Union. We cannot afford to have countries like Spain or Italy stand on opposite sides of us when it comes to realizing the threat posed by Turkey. This suggests that for a long time we hadn’t tried hard enough to explain to our partners and friends what was really going on. We shouldn’t have failed to identify the threat posed by military exports to Turkey from Germany in the first decade of the 21st century.
All these issues which concern our bilateral relations with these countries, along with many others, require constant and ongoing engagement at a bilateral level, so that this family, as it evolves, takes into consideration both Greek concerns and Greek views on our wider region.
Take, for example, EU enlargement towards the Western Balkans and how important it is for the future of Europe. How important it is for Europe to realize that it cannot afford to have a ‘black hole’ in the Western Balkans region.
Speaking of Europe, I will also turn to something that is a huge asset for the country and its security environment, the defence relationship with France. Please do not underestimate it. Since the late Konstantinos Karamanlis’ premiership, Greece has purchased military equipment from France on numerous occasions, beginning with the delivery of the first Mirage F1 fighter aircraft in 1974.
But for the first time in half a century, and for the first time in our history, a defence agreement has been signed with France, the only country in the European Union that is currently a permanent member of the UN Security Council, and the only country in the European Union that has nuclear weapons. Do not overlook it. It is a huge asset for the security of the country in the future.
I’d like to turn to our relationship with the United Kingdom. The United Kingdom has exited the European Union, but not Europe. Since being given the honour by the Prime Minister to be appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs, I have chosen not to utter a word of criticism of my predecessors and previous governments. I believe that this would not be beneficial to the country.
However, if you look at the number of visits, for example, to the United Kingdom, that is, how long had it been since a Greek Minister of Foreign Affairs last visited the United Kingdom, you realize that we sometimes either navel-gaze or ignore what we should be doing.
The UK will continue to be an important player in international affairs. Therefore, we ought to have a relationship of mutual understanding with them, explaining our positions and trying to create synergies.
Across the Atlantic there’s the United States. At this point, I must tell you that the country’s relations with the United States have never been better in Greek history. The Prime Minister’s visit was a triumphant one, not only for Kyriakos Mitsotakis personally, but for the country as a whole.
The fact that the Greek Prime Minister was given the opportunity and the honour to address a joint session of the two legislative bodies, to be applauded ten or eleven times with what the Anglo-Saxons call a standing ovation, which means that the Senators and the Representatives stand up and applaud, was a huge honour for the country. But that was an honour bestowed at the level of substance and not gesture. Because the applause of both legislative bodies was a reward for the country’s policy choices and positions, and that was also reflected in the extensive meeting with President Biden.
The United States regards Greece not merely as a member of the Western Alliance, but also as a country with which it shares a broader understanding; and a country with which they have concluded two defence agreements, which I have had the honor of signing. I believe it is evident to all of you how these defence agreements work to the benefit of our security, to the benefit of the security of our own way of life, our own perception.
Please, remember, was there ever a discussion about Alexandroupolis as a strategic hub and developmental economic hub a decade ago? Was the role of Alexandroupolis as a gateway to the Eastern Balkans, to Central Europe and to Ukraine in anyone’s forecast, in anyone’s map, perspective or analysis? Was it there?
I come to the last chapter which is about the countries far beyond, countries like Japan, Indonesia, Australia, countries in South America.
Ladies and gentlemen,
Greece is a country of small to medium size. In order to survive, Greek foreign policy has to be a principled policy, to be a policy which supports an existing international legal structure of rules. And it must identify and establish relations with countries that share similar analyses and interests, as well as with countries which support and promote these interests. And there are several such countries.
One of them is India, the world’s most populous country, having a population of 1.4 million.
One of them is Japan, which is the third largest economic power on the planet.
Australia and New Zealand are such countries; Countries that are geographically distant and may not be perceived as neighbouring countries. However, if you look at their positions on Law of the Sea issues, you will realize that we are completely aligned.
Furthermore, they are countries which during the World Wars had sent troops to our country, to fight in Greece and for Greece. This cannot be ignored.
There are also our relations with other world powers such as China. We cannot ignore the fact that China is a very important investor in the Piraeus port. China invested in Greece when, despite our strong invitations, the Western countries closest to us felt that the country’s risk outweighed the opportunity to invest in Piraeus.
China took a different stance and was rewarded for it. Piraeus is one of the largest ports in the Mediterranean. Within the next 10 years it will become the largest port in the Mediterranean and in the following thirty years, it will most likely be the largest port in Europe.
I will conclude with Russia and Ukraine. At the time when the present government came to power, relations with Russia were at a mediocre level. You may recall that under the previous government Russian diplomats were expelled. Nevertheless, it has put in a very great effort over the last two and a half years to reestablish historical understanding with a country with which we have historical ties.
The Russian fleet at Navarino along with the fleets of England and France supported the Greek Revolution. Let us not fool ourselves; without Navarino, we would not be a free country. The Greeks never forget and are never ungrateful.
We tried very hard, but the Russian invasion of Ukraine, with which we had no particularly close relations, completely upended the structure of Greek-Russian relations, through no fault of our own.
Because, as I already stated, Greece must adhere to very specific principles with which it identifies in order to survive.
Greece has been fighting for half a century to reverse the invasion of Cyprus by Turkey. It cannot, therefore, in any way, fail to unequivocally condemn an invasion of an independent country. It cannot fail to use whatever tools it possesses to safeguard the independence and territorial integrity of a country that is a member of the United Nations. In doing so, it is defending itself and its own borders. The concept on which Greece was established continues to exist, to develop, to be living.
I’ll conclude with Greek-Turkish relations. I must admit that when I was given the enormous honour of being appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs, I believed that we would be able to create channels of communication with Turkey and resolve the only dispute we have, which is the continental shelf and the EEZ in the seas surrounding us, on the basis of International Law and especially the International Law of the Sea.
This optimism of mine grew, because after 50 years we were able to resolve the issue with Italy and signed the relevant agreement. We resolved the issue with Egypt and I signed the relevant agreement. We resolved the issue with Albania in principle and I believe that, despite constitutional issues that have arisen, we will be able to proceed with the signing of the Agreement with Albania and the referral of our dispute to the International Court of Justice in The Hague, following the new President’s election yesterday whom I congratulated.
With these in mind, I believed that Greece would be able to find a common understanding with Turkey and that our dispute would be resolved.
Unfortunately, this proved to be a totally wrong prediction. We were faced with a constant accumulation of arguments, of claims against our country that disregard International Law, and defy all logic.
I am referring to the ‘Turkish-Libyan memorandum’, which divides up sea areas while ignoring the presence of Crete in the middle and the fact that islands have the same rights as the mainland under International Law; this includes not just territorial waters, and in fact territorial waters up to 12 miles, but also an exclusive economic zone and a continental shelf.
So, to demonstrate the absurdity of this ‘agreement’, imagine Greece signing exclusive economic zones with Spain while ignoring the fact that Italy lies in the middle.
There’s also the “blue homeland” ideological construct, which holds that the Greek islands of the Eastern Aegean lie within Turkey’s continental shelf and have no right whatsoever. In other words, they have to be cut off from Greece to which they belong by the Treaty of Lausanne.
And to make matters worse, a new argument was added last year, that Greek sovereignty over the Eastern Aegean islands is based on the demilitarization agreement, otherwise Greek sovereignty is relative rather than absolute, and is thus indirectly but clearly contested by the Turkish side.
We have responded to all this with a series of letters, the most recent of which was submitted to the United Nations a few days ago and is possibly the most interesting in terms of International Law.
But without delving into details, I can assure you that the Greek arguments are perfectly sufficient and convincing. Greece has in its arsenal the most informed arguments of International Law. On the contrary, the Turkish positions do not stand up to any criticism. They are demonstrations of a neo-ottoman revisionism, components of an ideology of a supposedly regional superpower, aiming to impose its will on its neighbours by threat of force.
I sincerely hope that Turkey will see clearly that this policy is a dead end. I hope it will return to the path of convergence towards the European Union, towards European and global values and it will realize that Greece can be a bridge to Europe and a better future. And I firmly believe that this is what a very large part, a very important part of the Turkish people and Turkish society hopes for when, that is, when and if, they are given the opportunity to speak freely. And I hope that the attempt to trap Turkish society and, by extension, Greece in the future, in claims and rivalries that belong to past centuries and times will be abandoned.
In other words, to make it clear to Turkey that gunboat diplomacy, the policy of Suleiman the Lawgiver in the Mediterranean belongs entirely to another era, either in Suleiman’s era in the 16th century, or the era of gunboat diplomacy in the 19th or even in the early 20th century. In any case, by no means does it belong to the 21st century.
But I’m not very optimistic.
What is our response to that? National unity, national unanimity, our ability to put forward our positions and our conviction that, whatever the parameters, the country is strong and can defend its national rights and the future of generations to come, based on its own Armed Forces and on the strengths of its society and its economy which you also serve.
Thank you very much.
Source: Hellenic republic Ministry of Foreign Affairs